President Voronin's first term was marked by up and down relations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Politically, the government was committed to the reduction of poverty by allocating more resources to social safety net items such as health, education, and increasing pensions and salaries. Voronin proceeded with former President Lucinschi's plans to privatize several important state-owned industries and even on occasion broke with his own party over important issues. Under President Voronin, relations with the United States have remained strong. From January to April 2002, large demonstrations took place in opposition to several controversial government proposals, including expanded use of the Russian language in schools and its designation as an official language. While the demonstrations were sometimes tense, the government did not use force and ultimately agreed to Council of Europe (CoE) mediation.

In March 2005 parliamentary elections, the Communist Party received 46.1% of the vote, or 56 seats in the 101-member Parliament -- more than enough for the 51-vote minimum required to form a government, but short of the 61 votes necessary to elect a president. However, President Voronin was re-elected with support from the Christian Democratic Popular Party and from the Democratic and Social Liberal party factions, after Voronin promised to deliver on needed reforms and Euro-Atlantic integration for the country. Those factions broke away from the Moldovan Democratic Bloc following the elections, leaving the Our Moldova Alliance (AMN) of former Chisinau Mayor Serafim Urechean as the second-largest party in Parliament with 26 seats.

Local elections in May and June 2003 -- the first nationwide contests since the Communists came to power -- did not meet the relatively high electoral standards set in previous Moldovan elections, according to international observers. While the voting itself generally met international standards, the government's behavior in the campaign period -- including bias in state media, misuse of administrative resources, and the arrests of two opposition mayors -- represented a step backward. The Communists won the largest share of votes, but lost in the country's highest-profile race, for mayor of Chisinau. Former Mayor and AMN leader Serafim Urechean decided to give up his mayoral seat to retain his mandate as an elected parliamentarian in the March 2005 elections, as Moldovan legislation prohibits holding both positions simultaneously. Early mayoral elections for Chisinau were held in July 2005 but were invalid due to low turnout.

In addition to state-sponsored media, there are several independent newspapers, radio and television stations, and news services. The independent media organizations, along with some that are affiliated with political parties, often criticize government policies. In August 2004, Teleradio Moldova (TRM) was officially transformed from a state-owned company into a public broadcaster. However, journalists and civil society representatives, who claimed the process was nontransparent and meant to stack the new TRM staff with those favorable to the government, met this move with large protests. Peaceful assembly is allowed, though permits for demonstrations must be obtained; private organizations, including political parties, are required to register with the government. Legislation passed in 1992 codified freedom of religion but required that religious groups register with the government.

Negotiations to resolve the conflict continue, and the cease-fire is still in effect. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is trying to facilitate a negotiated settlement and has had an observer mission in place for several years. In July 2002, OSCE, Russian, and Ukrainian mediators approved a document setting forth a blueprint for reuniting Moldova under a federal system. Over the next year and a half, the settlement talks alternated between periods of forward momentum and periods of no progress. In February 2003, the U.S. and EU imposed visa restrictions against the Transnistrian leadership. In April 2003, the Moldovan Government and the Transnistrian authorities agreed to establish a joint commission to draft a constitution for a reintegrated state. However, fundamental disagreements over the division of powers remained, and a settlement proved elusive.

In May 2003, Ukraine and Moldova reached an agreement under which Ukraine would no longer recognize Moldova's obsolete customs stamps, which were still being used by the Transnistrians; in reality, however, the Moldovans exercise little control over their border with Ukraine and illegal trade remains an issue in the region. Moldova has continued to call for international monitoring of the border.

In a surprise move, President Voronin decided not to sign a Russian-brokered settlement with Transnistria in November 2003. The appearance of the Russian proposal -- seen by many as pro-Transnistrian -- was enough to set off a brief wave of opposition protests. The potential for continued protest over these contentious issues remains. During the summer of 2004, the Transnistrian separatists forcibly closed Romanian language Latin-script schools. These actions were internationally condemned, and the OSCE Mission to Moldova mediated a solution to the crisis; however, negotiations on the larger conflict have since come to a standstill.

Russia has failed to remove weapons and munitions of the Operational Group of Russian Forces (formerly the Russian 14 ^th Army) stationed in Transnistria, as required under the timetable set forth in the 1999 Istanbul Accords, and this process remained stalled throughout 2004.

Moldova's embassy in the United States is at 2101 S Street NW, Washington, DC 20008 (tel: 202-667-1130; fax 202-667-1204).

More information about Moldova can be found at the official (Romanian and Russian language) Government of Moldova website at www.moldova.md . The Moldova.org site is maintained by the Moldova Foundation, a non-governmental organization, and has some useful links.